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Unit Seven
ON HUMAN NATURE Frank and Lydia Hammer
我对人类的了解越多，对他们的期望就越低。和以前相比，我现在常常以较宽松的标准把一个人叫做好人。 ——塞缪尔·约翰逊博士
论人性 弗兰克，莉迪亚·汉默尔
1 Human nature is the basis of character, the temperament and disposition; it is that indestructible matrix upon which the character is built, and whose shape it must take and keep throughout life. This we call a person's nature.
1人性是性格、气质和性情的基础，性格正是基于这种牢不可破的基质之上的，它必须以这种基质的形式存在，并将它保留终生，这种基质，我们称之为一个人的本性。
2 The basic nature of human beings does not and cannot change. It is only the surface that is capable of alteration, improvement and refinement; we can alter only people's customs, manners, dress and habits. A study of history reveals that the people who walked this
earth in antiquity were moved by the same fundamental forces, were swayed by the same passions, and had the same aspirations as the men and women of today. The pursuit of happiness still engrosses mankind the world over.
2人类的本性不会也不能改变，只有一些表面特征才会变化、改善和进一步提升；我们可以改变人们的风格、举止、衣着和习惯。一项历史研究表明，曾经行走在地球上的古人们和今天的男男女女们受着同样的基本力量驱使，被同样的激情左右并有着同样的抱负，时至今日，对幸福的追求仍然是全世界人类全身心投入的事业。
3 Moreover no one wishes his nature to change. One may covet the position of President or King, but would not change places with them unless, it meant the continuance of his own identify. Each man sees himself as unique, and so far as he is concerned the hub of the universe, different from any other individual. Apologies are in order when Mr. Smith is mistaken for Mr. Jones.
3此外，没有人希望改变自己的本性，有人可能会觊觎总统或国王的职位，但不会和他们交换位置，除非那意味着他自己身份的继续。每个人都把自己看成是独特个体，而且，就他而言，他就是宇宙的中心，有别于其他任何人。如果有人把史密斯先生误认作琼斯先生，这人就该道歉。
4 Every man unfolds a distinct character over which circumstances and education have only the most limited control. No two people will ever draw the same conclusions from the same experiences, but each must interpret events and fit them into the mosaic of his own life's pattern. Human nature is ever true itself, not to systems of faith or education. Each holds to the structure of the mold into which the soul was cast at the time of its individualization. The qualities born in one remain as potentials whether they have a chance to develop or not. Under pressure, or change of interest, they can partially or wholly disappear from view, tor considerable periods of time; but nothing can permanently modify them, nothing can obliterate them.
4每个人都表现出一种与众不同的性格，而环境和教育对性格的影响都极其有限。两个人从相同的经历中也不会得出相同的结论，但是两个人会各自分析这些事件并将它们融合到自己丰富的生活模式中去。人性总是忠于它本身，而不受信仰或教育体制左右。一个人的个性和他独特的天性在出生时就已经形成了，而且不会改变。一个人与生俱来的品质，无论是否有机会发展，都保持为潜力。在遭受压力或兴趣变化的情况下，他们会部分或全部地消失相当一段时间，但是没有什么能永久地改变他们，也没有什么能把他们抹去。
5 The constancy of human nature is proverbial, as no one believes that a man can fundamentally change his nature. This is why it is so difficult for one who has acquired
an unsavory reputation to re-establish himself in public confidence. People know from
experience that an individual who in one year displays knavish characteristics- seldom
in the next becomes any different. Nor does a thief become a trustworthy employee, or a miser a philanthropist. Nor does a man change and become a liar, coward or traitor at fifty or sixty; if he is one then, he has been one ever since his character was formed. Big criminals are first little criminals, just as giant oaks are first little acorns.
5人性的恒定性是众所周知的，因为没有人相信一个人能够从根本上改变他的本性。这就是为什么一个恶名远扬的人很难重建公众对他的信心。人们凭经验知道某一年中表现出无赖性格的人不太可能在第二年有任何改观。小偷也不会变成值得信赖的员工。吝啬鬼也不可能变成慈善家。而且，一个人不会在五六十岁的时候变成谎话精、懦夫或叛徒，如果那时候他是，那么早在他性格形成的时候他就已经是了。大罪犯最初都是小罪犯，正如大橡树最初都是小橡果。
6 Although man is potentially perfect he is far from being actually so. If he were actually perfect there would be nothing for preachers and humanitarians to do; no use for churches, schools, courts and prisons. Therefore while it is impossible to change human nature, it can be studied, controlled and directed, and this should be the supreme function of our religious, educational and social institutions.
6尽管人类有完美的潜质，但事实上他远远没有达到完美。如果事实上他已经是完美的，那么那些神父、教师和人道主义者便会无事可做；那些教堂、学校、法庭和监狱便会无所用处。因此虽然人性是不可能改变的，但是人们可以研究它、控制它和引导它。而且这应该是我们的宗教机构、教育机构和社会机构的最高职能。
7 Man is perfect as a seed is perfect, germinally. The spirit is perfect, but when it inhabits human structures, it participates in the imperfections of the later; and during its association with matter takes on the mortal weakness, desires and limitations. But the spirit, the inner man, remains untouched and undefiled by evil. Only the outer man- the personality and the physical body- becomes imperfect, due to ignorance, wrong thinking and violation of the law of being. The outer man, too, was originally perfect, but man has so desecrated and abused it that today it is a far cry from the original model.
7人类在胚胎期是完美的，就好比一粒种子，在幼芽期是完美的一样。精神是完美的，但它栖居到人类肉体结构中后，便参与其中，表现出后者的不完美。在它与物质的联系过程中呈现出凡人的弱点、欲望和局限。但是精神，也就是人的内在，却仍能免遭邪恶的染指和玷污。只有外在的人——个性和躯体，由于无知、思想错误和违反自然规律而变得不完美。外在的人，原本也是完美的，但是由于人类如此的亵渎和滥用，今天，它已经与原型相去甚远。
8 Man's majesty and nobility are taken for granted, although his faults and weaknesses are constantly paraded before our eyes. Only when behavior deviates from the normal does it attract attention. The good neighbor, the conscientious citizen, the kind father and faithful husband pass unnoticed. But the murderer, robber or wife beater is singled out for ublicity, because such conduct is unusual.
8人们想当然地认为人类是伟大和高尚的，尽管他的过错和弱点不断地暴露在我们面前。只有当人类行为偏离常规时才会引起人们的注意。人们对好邻居、良民、慈父和贞夫视而不见，但杀人犯、抢劫犯或殴打妻子的人却成为公众瞩目的焦点。因为这些行为非同寻常。
9 Man's inherent goodness, moreover, is revealed by his countless acts of heroism, unselfishness and sacrifice. Daily one reads of men saving others at the peril of their
own lives. One plunges into the surf and rescues a swimmer from drowning; another
dashes into a burning house and carries a stranger to safety; others snatch a child from
the wheels of death; many give their blood so that others may live. Countless unnamed and unrecorded men have given their lives for their fellowmen, not only on the battlefront but on the home- front as well.
9人类固有的优点还体现在不计其数的英雄主义行为、充满无私和牺牲精神的举动上，每天我们都会读到人们冒着生命危险挽救他人生命的事迹：有人跃入水中拯救溺水的泳者；有人冲进火场将陌生人带出险境；有人从死亡的车轮下救出孩子；许多人献出鲜血使他人生命得以延续。数不胜数的不知姓名、不被记载的人们，不仅在战场上，而且还在战争的大后方，为了他们的同胞献出了生命。
10Human nature does not and cannot change but unfolds its inherent pattern. Man has a nature and its laws can be known. We can only endeavor to understand man as he is.
10人性不会也不能改变，它只展现它固有的模式。它有天性而且这种天性的规律是可知的。我们只能尽力去了解人类的真实面貌。
Unit Eight
It's almost a common sense that wearing a seat belt can keep passengers from being injured or being killed in a car accident. But recent research done by John Adams shows more complicated statistics. More car accidents are caused by the reckless drivers who wear seat belts.
THE HIDDEN DANGER OF SEAT BELTS David Bjerklie
安全带可以避免乘客在车祸中受伤或死亡，这几乎是常识。但是，约翰．亚当斯最近所做的研究得出了更加复杂的统计数据。当司机系着安全带时，他们开车无所顾忌，更多车祸因此而发生。
座椅安全带的隐患
大卫·布杰克里
1 Seat belts still decrease our risk of dying in an accident, but the statistics are not all black and white. In fact, according to one researcher, seat belts may actually cause people to drive more recklessly.
1座椅安全带固然能降低我们在车祸中死亡的危险，但从统计数据看，情况并不是那么绝对。事实上，据一位研究者说，安全带可能会使人们在驾车时更加肆无忌惮。
2 If there's one thing we know about our risky world, it's that seat belts save lives. And they do, of course. But reality, as usual, is messier and more complicated than that. John Adams, risk expert and emeritus professor of geography at University College London, was an early skeptic of the seat belt safety mantra. Adams first began to look at the numbers more than 25 years ago. What he found was that contrary to conventional wisdom, mandating the use of seat belts in 18 countries resulted in either no change or actually a net increase in road accident deaths.
2对于这个有危险的世界，如果有一件事我们还算了解，那就是座椅安全带可以救命。当然，它确实可以救命。但实际情况通常要更混乱、更复杂。伦敦大学学院的风险专家、地理学荣誉教授约翰·亚当斯早就质疑安全带能保证驾车安全的信条。亚当斯最早开始查看统计数字是早在25年前的事了。他的发现与人们的普遍看法恰恰相反——在18个强制使用安全带的国家，要么交通事故死亡率根本没有变化，要么实际上反而导致了死亡率的净增长。
3 How can that be? Adams' interpretation of the data rests on the notion of risk compensation, the idea that individuals tend to adjust their behavior in response to what they perceive; as changes in the level of risk. Imagine, explains Adams, a driver negotiating a curve in the road. Let's make him a young male. He is going to be influenced by his perceptions of both the risks and rewards of driving a car. The considerations could include getting to work or meeting a mend for dinner on time, impressing a companion with his driving skills, bolstering his image of himself as an accomplished driver. They could also include his concern for his own safety and desire to live to a ripe old age, his feelings of responsibility for a toddler with him in a car seat, the cost of banging up his shiny new car or losing his license.
3怎么会这样?亚当斯用风险补偿的概念来解释这些数据资料，这个概念就是：人们往往会根据他们意识到的风险程度的改变来相应地调整自己的行为。亚当斯解释说，假设一位司机驾车途中要过一个窄弯道，这名司机是个男青年，那么他会受到自己对以下两方面认知的影响：驾车的风险和驾车的回报。他所考虑的东西可能包括：能够准时上班或准时赶赴朋友的饭局、让同伴对他的驾车技术留下深刻印象、使自己作为熟练驾车手的形象更加巩固。他还可能考虑到自身的安全问题、长命百岁的愿望、对车上年幼乘客的责任感、撞毁自己的漂亮新车或驾驶证被没收的代价。
Nor will these possible concerns exist in a vacuum. He will be taking into account the weather and the condition of the road, the amount of traffic and the capabilities of the car he is driving. But crucially, says Adams, this driver will also be adjusting his behavior in response to what he perceives are changes in risks. If he is wearing a seat belt and his car has front and side air bags and anti-skid brakes to boot, he may in turn drive a bit more daringly.
这些可能的担心也不是孤立存在的。他还要考虑到天气和路况、交通拥挤的程度和所驾车子的性能。但亚当斯说，关键的是这个司机还将根据他对风险变化的判断来调整自己的行为。如果他系上了安全带，而他的车子带有前、侧气囊和防滑刹车系统，他驾起车来可能会更大胆。
4 The point, stresses Adams, is that drivers who feel safe may actually increase the risk that they pose to other drivers, bicyclists, pedestrians and their own passengers (while an average of 80% of drivers buckle up, only 68% of their rear-seat passengers do). And risk compensation is hardly confined to the act of driving a car. Think of a trapeze artist, suggests Adams, or a rock climber or motorcyclist. Add some safety equipment to the equation- a net, rope or helmet respectively- and the person may try maneuvers that he or she would otherwise consider foolish. In the case of seat belts, instead of a simple, straightforward reduction in deaths, the end result is actually a more complicated redistribution of risk and fatalities. For the sake of argument, offers Adams, imagine how it might affect the behavior of drivers if a sharp stake were mounted in the middle of the steering wheel? Or if the bumper were packed with explosives. Perverse, yes, but it certainly provides a vivid example of how a perception of risk could modify behavior.
4亚当斯强调说，问题就在于自我感觉安全的司机们实际上对其他司机、骑自行车者、行人和自己车上的乘客来说是更大的危险(平均80％的司机系安全带，而同车后座的乘客只有68％系安全带)。风险补偿绝不仅限于驾车行为。亚当斯说，类似的还有表演高空秋千的艺人、攀岩者或摩托车手。如果在他们的安全等式上增添某种安全装置——比如说分别给他们一张救生网、一根保险绳或一个头盔——这个人可能就会试着做些平时认为很愚蠢的技巧性表演。因此，安全带并非简单、直截了当地减少死亡人数，而是对风险和死亡事故进行了更加复杂的再分配。为了说明其中的道理，亚当斯提出人们可以想象一下，如果在方向盘中间安一个尖头的木桩，司机开车时会受到怎样的影响?或者在保险杠上装满炸药呢?这简直是丧心病狂，是的，不过这确实提供了一个生动的例子，来说明人们如何根据对风险的判断来调整行为。
5 In everyday life, risk is a moving target, not a set number as statistics might suggest.
In addition to external factors, each individual has his or her own internal comfort level with risk- taking. Some are daring while others are cautious by nature. And still others are fatalists who may believe that a higher power devises mortality schedules that fix a predetermined time when our number is up. Consequently, any single measurement assigned to the risk of driving a car is bound to be only the roughest sort of benchmark.
5日常生活中，风险是不断移动的靶子，而并不像统计数据那样是个固定数字。除了外部因素外，每个人对于冒险都有自己内在的安全尺度。有些人天生大胆而有些人天生谨慎，还有些人是宿命论者，他们会认为，有一种更强大的力量设计了死亡时间表，预先确定了我们的死期。因此，对驾车风险做任何单一的测算所得到的肯定只是最粗略的基准数据。
Adams cites, as an example the statistical fact that a young man is 100 times more likely to be involved in a severe crash than is a middle-aged woman. Similarly, someone driving at 3:00 a.m. Sunday is more than 100 times more likely to die than someone driving at 10:00 a.m. Sunday. Someone with a personality disorder is 10 times more likely to die. And let's say he's also drunk. Tally up All these factors and consider them independently says Adams, and you could arrive at. a statistical prediction that a disturbed, drunken young man driving in the middle of the night is 2.7 million times more likely to be involved in a serious accident than would a sober, middle-aged woman driving to church seven hours later.
亚当斯引用了这样的统计事实作例子：青年男子发生严重撞车事故的概率比中年妇女高100倍。同样，在星期天凌晨3点钟驾车的人比同一天上午10点钟驾车的人死亡风险高出100多倍，有人格障碍的人比一般人死亡风险高10倍。亚当斯说，假如这个人还喝醉了，汇总所有这些因素并分别加以考虑，就会得到一个具有统计性的预测：一位心理失常又喝醉酒的青年男子在午夜驾车，7个小时后一位头脑清醒的中年妇女驾车去教堂，前者发生严重交通事故的概率比后者高270万倍。
6 The bottom line is that risk doesn't exist in a vacuum and that there are a host of factors that come into play, including the rewards of risk, whether they are financial, physical or emotional. It is this very human context which risk exists. That is key, says Adams, who titled one of his recent blogs: What Kills You Matters- Not Numbers. Our reaction to risk very much depends on the degree to which it is voluntary (scuba diving), unavoidable (public transit) or imposed (air quality), the degree to which we feel we are in control (driving) or at the mercy of others (plane travel), and the degree to which the source of possible danger is benign ("doctor's orders), indifferent (nature) or malign, (murder and terrorism). We make dozens of risk calculations daily, but you can book odds- that most of them are so automatic or visceral- that we barely notice them.
6问题的要点就在于风险并不是孤立存在的，它会受到许多因素的影响，包括承担风险所带来的种种回报——无论是财产方面的、身体方面的，还是情感方面的。这正是风险赖以存在的真实的人类社会。亚当斯说，这才是问题的关键，正如他把近期的一篇博客题目定为《关键的是置人于死地的东西，而不是数字》。我们对风险的反应多半取决于它在多大程度上是自发的行为(如戴水肺潜水)、是不可避免的(如公共交通)、还是强加给我们的(如空气质量)；取决于我们认为在多大程度上是我们能控制的(如驾驶)或是由别人控制的(如乘飞机)；还取决于这种潜在危险在多大程度上是出于好意(如医生的指令)、无意的(如自然因素)或恶意的(如谋杀和恐怖活动)。我们每天要做几十遍风险计算，但是可以确信的是，多数时候人们对风险的计算自然而然或者说是出自本能，以至于我们几乎注意不到我们在做计算。
Unit Nine
THE HOUSING CRISIS GOES SUBURBAN
住房危机走向郊区
迈克尔·格伦沃尔德
在过去的五年里，弗吉尼亚州费尔法克斯县的住房价格增长速度是家庭收入增长速度的12倍．今天，该县中等家庭不得不将其收入的54％用于购买位于该县的普通住房；在2000年，这个数字是26％。形势如此严峻，以至于费尔法克斯县最近开始对年收入90，000美元的家庭提供住房补贴；很快，这个数字可能提高到110，000美元。
1 Seventy years after President Franklin D. Roosevelt declared that the Depression had left one-third of the American people "ill-housed, ill-clothed and ill-nourished,"2 Americans are well-clothed and increasingly over nourished. But the scarcity of affordable housing is a deepening national crisis, and not just for inner-city families on welfare. The problem has climbed the income ladder and moved to the suburbs, where service workers cram their families into overcrowded apartments, college graduates have to crash with their parents, and firefighters, police officers and teachers can't afford to live in the communities they serve.
1富兰克林·罗斯福总统曾经说经济大萧条造成1／3的美国人住房简陋、衣衫褴褛、营养不良，然而70年后的今天，美国人却是穿着考究、营养日益过剩。但是，廉价房稀缺是一场日益加深的民族危机，而不仅仅是依靠福利为生的城市家庭的危机。这个问题已经波及中产阶级，并向郊区蔓延，在那里服务工作者及其家属挤在过于狭小的公寓里，大学毕业生不得不借宿在父母家，而消防队员、警察和教师在他们所服务的社区也买不起房。
2 Home ownership is near an all-t
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