1、作为公共空间:图书馆设计和公共空间的创建本 科 外 文 翻 译作为公共空间:图书馆设计和公共空间的创建Becoming Public: Library Design And The Creation Of Public Space学 部(院): 建筑与艺术学院 专 业: 环境设计 学 生 姓 名: 学 号: 指 导 教 师: 完 成 日 期: 2015年4月10日 Becoming Public: Library Design And The Creation Of Public SpaceBy Megan ClarkAbstract: Public library design is an
2、important realm within which the role and philosophy of the public library as a public space is communicated. This paper analyzes various readings of public library designs and further analyzes the topic by considering the use of these built spaces by library patrons. The interaction between library
3、 users and the library design is revealing of both the contradictory nature of public space and the ways in which the library is being understood and imagine. The public interpretation of the principles communicated through library design is revealing of the value of contemporary public space, which
4、 is currently being challenged by the encroaching role of commercial establishments. This paper concludes that libraries, as public spaces, play a significant role in the creation of civic society. Keywords: library; public space; designIntroduction The design of the ominous and impressive Library o
5、f Congress includes a central reading room contained in a domed enclosure at the heart of the building. The reader must traverse to the center of the building to call upon its resources. Collins (2009) notes that depth connotes power and the deeper the readers go into the building the closer they ge
6、t to accessing the full power of the institution. This building design literally reflects the philosophical goals and character of the Library of Congress. In the average community branch, it is not likely that patrons will be demanding access to the centrally located furnace room in the basement in
7、 order to harness the power of the institution. Yet, even on the smallest scale, library design plays a significant part in transmitting the values and roles of the institution. In the case of the public library building, contemporary design has sought to speak to freedom of access and community. Bu
8、t this narrative is not the property of the design alone. The public interacts with and interprets the space which in turn affects the design. Together the design and the user create a library space that is home to a number of contradictory claims regarding identity and purpose. It is this interacti
9、on between the patron and the public library design that will be explored in this paper. Public Space and the Public Library Before considering library architecture and design, it is important to explore the librarys role as a public space as this significantly impacts how the library is designed an
10、d used. Scranton (1987) defines public space as a, “sphere of broad and largely unplanned encounter” (p. 13). The public sphere is a place teeming with unexpected encounters which bring along with them many challenges, contradictions, and revelations. These can vary from a rude experience on public
11、transit or the discovery of the perfect book, left waiting, on a library table. Interactions with strangers in public space requires a degree of flexibility, and this flexibility is rewarded with the fruits of public life including: convenience (streets and transit), beauty (parks and architecture),
12、 and community. The acceptance of the possibility of surprise and the related freedom that produces it encourages and enables a variety of behaves unique to the public sphere. Scranton (1987) makes the important observation that “a space is made public by the nature of its boundary” (p. 15). Public
13、is defined by the simple truth that it is not private. People may enter or exit at will, for a variety of reasons and perhaps without any justification. They are not burdened by the expected role of the consumer or the guest. Instead people inhabit a space that is shared with strangers with whom, at
14、 least ideally, they exist equally. The variety of people that may interact in this space is much broader than in private commercial properties or in private homes, and therefore, public space offers the important possibility of an expanded perspective and of belonging to a community larger than wha
15、t individuals could construct on their own. If we neglect public spaces, in theory and in use, we diminish the possibility of varied social interactions and the experience of diversity as social groups become more controlled and segregated (Sickie & Hopkins, 2002). This does not mean that the public
16、 community is necessarily desirable or even palatable. Jane Jacobs (1987) emphasizes the special relationship between members of the public, writing that public spaces, “bring together people who do not know each other in an intimate, private social fashion and in most cases do not care to know each
17、 other in that fashion” (p. 95). It is expected, acceptable, and in some ways desirable that public space breeds uncomfortable interactions, as long as it maintains a veneer of safety. Such an environment is often created by the self-policing of the public (Sickie & Hopkins, 2002). The expectations
18、of public behave are therefore reinforced by social mores; although, because public space often introduces people from a variety of classes and backgrounds, an individual may experience behaves they would not personally perform in public. Lees (2001) gives the example of a homeless woman, undressing
19、 in order to clean herself, using the librarys bathroom facilities and recognizes that even within this uncomfortable situation the unique nature of public space allows this woman to feel a sense of belonging that prompts her to undertake such an activity. Regardless of this and other unusual uses o
20、f public libraries, a recent survey of United Kingdom library patrons concluded that public libraries are seen as a safe environment (D ewe, 2006). Currently, we are experiencing an intellectual crisis over the value and meaning of public space. As private and commercial interests take precedence ov
21、er public space, the resources provided to support public spaces as well as a developed understanding of the importance of public space has declined (Tangelo, 2006). Apologists have argued that the library is one of the few remaining authentic public spaces (Given & Sickie, 2003). Yet, as private sp
22、aces expand to provide similar services (a coffee shop as a gathering place, bookstores with couches and reading spaces), public space theorists have faltered in providing a good explanation for the existence of libraries to the general public. Given the lack of a cohesive understanding of the value
23、 of public space and what makes it unique, it is only natural that the architecture of public buildings is also facing a crisis of identity. We must first know what public space is before we attempt to build it (Blazer & Lila, 1987). The Library as Public Space: The Building “Architecture, by its ve
24、ry nature, is a public matter. Whether we consider buildings in their aesthetic, economic, or moral dimensions, we must be prepared, at the same time, to treat those dimensions in public terms: to see that buildings can also serve as public art, or as civic monuments, or as contributions to the soci
25、al life of the city.” (Blazer & Lila, 1987, p. ix) The contemporary public library building is much different than its predecessors of the last century and even the last few decades. Architectural design strives to imbue its buildings with the values of the institution and activities that will be ho
26、used within. It is important to remember that architecture cannot “determine symbolism over time” (Vale, 1992). Symbols embedded within the design of a building will not remain static. The building will live beyond the pages of draft paper and the excited or disparaging remarks made on the day of th
27、e opening. This is particularly interesting to note when contemporary libraries are housed in historic buildings where the outer work of the building encourages awe and respect while the interior is radically redesigned with a new open concept model meant to encourage interaction between the patrons
28、 and the collection, and propagate the notion of the public library as a gathering place. The public library as a gathering place is a rapidly adopted idea that serves to expand the purpose of library space beyond the traditional notion of it being a warehouse for books and instead into a central pa
29、rt of the creation of community (Official, 2010). Libraries housed in restored historical buildings can function well when they combine the older sense of reverence for knowledge with the more recent focus on community. While theoretically the two cocci come into conflict (the old and new philosophi
30、es of the library), these contradictions are housed comfortably within the public sphere where a variety of interpretations, opinions, and individuals are expected to reside. The striking difference between traditional library design and modern library design reveals an attempt to communicate an evo
31、lving set of values, from preservation to access, control to community involvement. Fa sick (2011) demonstrates this clearly by arguing that “every public building contains a metaphor a vision of what the building represents” (p.101). He goes on to suggest that the metaphors that have been exemplifi
32、ed in recent library building projects include exploration, a secure place, an information shopping center, and a theater (p. 103). Some libraries choose to exhibit the values of the library as a public institution within their design plan. For example, the Seattle Public Library, built in 2004, emp
33、loys an expanse of glass walls to symbolize openness (Fa sick, 2011). Similarly, new interior designs aim for flexible layouts and multiple meeting rooms that encourage patrons to view the library as a public commons (May & Black, 2010). Theorists of contemporary library design repeatedly emphasize
34、flexibility (Waldensian, 2003). This is because the world of the public library is changing so rapidly that the solid oak tables and immovable stacks of days passed are no longer realistic or desirable. In this way, the permanence of the older design principles have been replaced both literally, by
35、more flexible designs and furniture, but also metaphorically with libraries whose purposes and community roles are in flux. During this period of change libraries have also had to contend with the increasing importance of the internet and access to technology. This includes the notion of the “librar
36、y without walls” and virtual libraries. While an interesting topic, it is beyond the scope of this paper which concerns itself instead with the impact of architecture and design on the concept of public space and behave within that space. Importantly, a recent study of Nova Scout library patrons rev
37、ealed they were “unanimous in the importance they placed on physical space” (May & Black, 2010, p. 23). Design and Interaction in the Public Library Ultimately, it is neither the architecture nor the fact of a place being public that determines its significance to an individual, although both of the
38、se things influence how a place is interpreted and used. In fact, architectural principles and goals can sometimes even subvert the purpose of the library. Some of the most celebrated buildings have been described by librarians and users as “inhuman,” “sterile,” or “simply uncomfortable” (Cohen & Co
39、hen, 1979, p. 3-4). Instead, “places take on meanings through our participation with them” (Lyndon, 1987, p. 157). Even the simplest library designs can have an enduring impact on the users understanding of the library. For example, when recalling his childhood library Wald (2011) described the “wel
40、l-stocked warren of interconnected sand-colored brick buildings” (p. 346). Here the design is intimately connected to the awe Wald felt towards the collection. He maintains a memory of the physical representation of his experience of the librarys collection. It is this type of interaction with the p
41、ublic library that determines how it is understood by the public it serves. Both the architecture and the interior design influence user interaction and they can be created with the purpose of communicating certain values and roles. Yet, they hinge on the often unexpected forms of interaction that a
42、re produced by the public. People therefore consume the design while applying their own interpretations, expectations, and experiences on it. In this way the public library patrons behave according to a sense of belonging and co-ownership of a public space (to varying degrees abiding by the rules of
43、 the space). A Sense of Belonging Public space is essential in civic society as it provides a place outside of home and work to which people can attach a sense of ownership and belonging. Significantly, it is a space that does not require them to behave in the role of a consumer. Instead, it permits
44、 a sense of freedom and entitlement to members of the public via shared space. People act out this sense of belonging by desiring and feeling entitled to a small sense of territory in the public places that they frequent. This feeling can be extended to commercial establishments such as coffee shops
45、, but with limitations, as the individual is always a consumer and are no longer welcome if they reject that role. The desire for small personal territories drives people to develop habits within the public library, such as returning to the same study carrel day after day. They will often go further
46、 and begin leaving personal objects or markers in that spot and if they return to find the favored spot occupied they will find one as near as possible (Cohen & Cohen, 1979). This development of familiarity and attachments to small sub-locations within the library space is incredibly important for i
47、lluminating the sense of belonging that can develop and is welcome in the public space. In this way the library becomes the “third space” described by Ray Oldenburg (1999) in Great, Good Place. Interestingly, although Brandenburg idea has been applied to public spaces, the author himself focuses ent
48、irely on commercial enterprises in his seminal exploration of the “third place.” The library in the role of a “third place” becomes a space where people can gather and socialize outside of home and work. In modern library design this may be an interaction that occurs over the traditional stacks of b
49、ooks or one over a cup of coffee as increasingly numbers of libraries begin to incorporate comfortable seating spaces and cafes (Harris, 2007). The Urge and Right to Disrupt As a result of the sense of belonging, patrons will often disrupt or reinterpret the intended use of library space. An anthropological study of the Library of Congress undertaken by Col