利比亚需要展示宽容.doc

利比亚需要展示宽容
Gaddafi’s fall is a moment for relief and healing, not for euphoria
来源：FT中文网    2011-10-24
  The humiliating death of Muammer Gaddafi, gunned down and apparently dragged through the streets of his home town, Sirte, would seem at first sight to be a final punctuation point in the tumultuous change of power in Libya. Another dictator, like Saddam Hussein before him, found cowering in a bolt hole. Finally, Libyans can breathe easier knowing this monstrous and unpredictable figure is gone from their lives.
  乍看之下，穆阿迈尔•卡扎菲(Muammer Gaddafi)的屈辱之死似乎给利比亚动荡的政权更迭划上了句号。在他的家乡苏尔特，卡扎菲被枪杀后，尸体被拖着游街示众。与萨达姆•侯赛因(Saddam Hussein)一样，这位独裁者也被发现蜷缩在一个地洞里。这位性情残暴、难以捉摸的人物终于从人民的生活中消失了，利比亚人可以更加自在地呼吸了。
  But his shadow will only be truly lifted if the new Libyan leadership draws the right lessons, not the wrong ones, from his demise. The right lesson is that it is a cathartic moment that clears the ground for Libyan politics to move forward. The wrong one would be to assume that with the death of Gaddafi all those supporters, whose reasons for so tenaciously defending Sirte are now clearer, will fall in line behind the new government in Tripoli. The first statement from interim prime minister Mahmoud Jibril hit all the right notes on reconciliation. But his words have to compete with the powerful image of Col Gaddafi’s body being dragged through the streets. This is much uglier.
  但是，利比亚新领导人必须从他的死亡吸取正确的教训，才能真正抹掉他的影子。卡扎菲之死为利比亚政局的进展扫清了道路。但若是以为在卡扎菲死后，他的支持者——现在我们知道他们为什么要坚守苏尔特了——将从此归顺的黎波里新政府，那就错了。卡扎菲死后，过渡总理马哈茂德•贾布里勒(Mahmoud Jibril)发表的第一份声明谈到了和解，讲得头头是道。然而，他的言论的影响必须比得上卡扎菲尸体被拖着游街的震撼画面。那幅画面要刺目多了。
  The removal of a leader who capriciously threatened his country and its people as if they were his personal property lifts the fear and loathing that had deep frozen any kind of normal politics in Libya for more than 40 years. This now allows a political space free from the fear of disappearance and life-imprisonment that had been the lot of any dissenter for so long. And, given Col Gaddafi’s lingering hold on the minds of his countrymen, nothing less than his very public end was likely to release them from his last padlock on their freedom.
  卡扎菲曾肆意恫吓自己的国家和人民，仿佛他们都是他的个人财产。在他死后，桎梏比利亚正常政治活动长达40多年的恐惧和憎恨将烟消云散。长期以来，异见者不是失踪就是遭终身监禁。今后，对这种遭遇的恐惧将不再笼罩利比亚政坛。而且，考虑到卡扎菲在国人心目中的余威，再没有什么事情能比他在众目睽睽下死亡更能解除他对人民自由的最后禁锢。
  But if the manner of his going is interpreted by part of the country or the region as a crude revenge – as a summary execution not a combat death, let alone the result of a proper justice process – then it could revive, even in death, Col Gaddafi’s power to divide. Martyrs cast long shadows. Those former leaders cooling their heels in The Hague or elsewhere, such as Charles Taylor of Liberia, assorted former Yugoslavian leaders or Manuel Noriega of Panama, are better managed alive than dead, as court exposure of their misdeeds often aids national healing.
  然而，假如利比亚或阿拉伯地区的部分人士把卡扎菲死亡的方式看作一种残酷的报复——不是战死，更不是公正审判的结果，而是草率处决——那么，虽然卡扎菲死了，拥护他的势力可能再次对立。死得壮烈的人总能留下长长的影子。那些在海牙等地久坐审判席的前领导人，比如利比里亚的查尔斯•泰勒(Charles Taylor)、前南斯拉夫领导人以及巴拿马的曼纽尔•诺列加(Manuel Noriega)，让他们活着比让他们死去更可取，因为他们的不法行径会在法庭上被揭露出来，这往往有利于国家的重建。
  But Libya today is where it is: Col Gaddafi is dead. The good news is politics can move on; the question remains how. The leadership of the National Transitional Council has always stressed its temporary character. Now is the time for an act of magnanimity: now its battlefield success is secure, it should form a government of all Libyans, including clans close to Gaddafi and Berber groups who have felt under-represented. There was a long tail to this conflict after Col Gaddafi’s fall, not only because of a residual emotional loyalty but because of the very real stakes his extended kinsmen had in the old system.
  但利比亚木已成舟：卡扎菲死了。好消息是这有利于该国政治的进步，但如何着手依然是个问题。“全国过渡委员会”的领导人总是强调这个委员会的临时性质。如今，展示宽容的时刻到了：战场上胜局已定，现在应该组建一个属于全体利比亚人的政府，其中要包括亲卡扎菲的派别，还有一直认为自己没有得到充分代表的柏柏尔人。这场战争在卡扎菲死后，还有一大堆事情需要处理，不仅因为残余势力依然怀着忠心，也因为卡扎菲远远近近的亲属们在旧体制中根基颇深。
  When I last visited Sirte, well before the conflict, it showed Col Gaddafi’s beneficence to relatives as well as his capriciousness as a ruler. He had built out the town, once his home village, with fully-fledged ministries, imagining he could make it his Washington. However he had forgotten to include hotels, so had placed many African foreign ministers he was hosting on an Italian cruise ship he had rented for the occasion, an African Union summit. When it looked as though they would vote against his proposal for a united Africa, he briefly tried to ship them out to sea.
  我上次去苏尔特时，利比亚战争还远没有爆发。从当时的情况来看，卡扎菲对亲戚们极其仁慈，而作为一个统治者，他也显得反复无常。他大力建设自己的家乡，设置了功能完备的各个部门，幻想把这里建成利比亚的华盛顿。但他忘了盖酒店。当时在召开一个非盟峰会，他是东道主，为此他特意租来了一艘意大利游轮，把许多非洲外交部长安置在这艘游轮上。他在会上提议建设一个统一的非洲，当看到这些部长们似乎要投票反对时，他一度想把船开到海上去。
  This vindictive anger against opponents was felt more seriously by African leaders, who often found he armed and funded their opponents when they opposed him. So with one or two exceptions, few tears will be shed in Africa’s presidential palaces, even though – like all of us – they will be uneasy at the manner of his going. Like his remaining supporters at home, they will want his death to presage a new chapter of reconciliation and healing rather than revenge and score settling. The Arab world, too, will view the violent end of an authoritarian leader who was widely disliked with relief but also disquiet at the violent precedent for regime change in the region.
  非洲领导人对卡扎菲睚眦必报的性格更是深有体会。他们经常发现，每当他们反对他，他就会为他们的反对者提供武器和资金。所以，除了一两个例外，非洲不会有什么领导人会为卡扎菲之死洒泪，尽管他们与我们一样，都会为他这种死法感到不安。就像卡扎菲在国内的残余支持者一样，这些领导人会希望，卡扎菲之死将开启和解与重建的新篇章，而不是拉开报复与清算的序幕。阿拉伯世界也一样。一个普遍不受欢迎的独裁者不得善终，会让他们松一口气，但是，他们也会为本地区这个暴力政权更迭先例感到不安。
  For Libya’s western backers, particularly France, the UK and US, this is not therefore a moment for euphoria but for quiet relief, and a public call to Tripoli for restraint and reconciliation.
  因而，对于利比亚的西方支持者，特别是法国、英国和美国来说，眼下还不能得意忘形，而应该在感到欣慰的同时，保持平静的心态，并公开呼吁的黎波里保持克制，推进和解。
  The writer, a former UN deputy secretary-general and UK minister, works for FTI Consulting
  本文作者是前联合国副秘书长、前英国外交国务大臣，现供职于富事高商务咨询公司(FTI Consulting)