1、毕业论文外文文献及译文专 业: 政治学与行政学外文文献The impact of land transfer on peasant stratification-An analysis based on a survey of Jingshan country, Hubei provinceAbstract: Peasants motivation and purpose for transferring land vary from time to time. Based on a survey of 10 villages in Jingshan county, Hunan provinc
2、e, this article finds that the specificforms of rural land transfer include active long-term transfer, passive long-term transfer and short-term transfer. Land transfer has an important impact on the stratification of the peasantry. Present institutional arrangements for land ignore the legitimate i
3、nterests of migrant families and poor and weak villagers and therefore they hold different attitudes toward land tenure institutions than middle peasants do. Based on the conclusions of an empirical analysis, this article puts forward a series of policy recommendations aimed at protecting the land r
4、ights of poor and weak peasant households.Keywords: land transfer, stratum, peasant stratification, land tenure arrangementLand transfer is the focus of current debates on the institutional change of land. Many scholarshave conducted research on the forms, causes and implications of land transfer an
5、d havecome upwith measures and countermeasures to standardize the transfer of land. Special attention has beenpaid to the role of land transfer in agrarian restructuring, industrialization, moderate-scaleoperation, rural labor transfer and peasant income enhancement. However, such studies rarelyinvo
6、lve lands impact on changes in the hierarchical structure of current rural China. ChenChengwen and Luo Zhongyong (2006) focus on dissecting the overall rural structure andexamining the role of land transfer in reconstructing the rural social structure. Some scholars arguethat deregulating the transf
7、er of land will lead to polarization among the peasantry (Wen Tiejun,2008; Li Changping, 2008), but such an argument is merely a macrojudgment without factualsupport at the micro level. China is a huge country with uneven development in rural areas;peasant stratification is anything but a strange ph
8、enomenon. Therefore, we shall pay moreattention to observing the stratification of the peasantry at the micro level.In classical Marxist theory, the institutional conditions of land are an important basis of class andstratification. In the 1930s, Chen Hansheng, et al, proceeded with an observation o
9、f the landtenure institutions and scientifically substantiated the feudal factor-driven class relations in ruralChina and the semi-colonial and semi-feudal nature of rural Chinese society. In times ofrevolution, Mao Zedong (1982, 1991) also singled out the institutional conditions of land as animpor
10、tant basis of class and stratification. He played a crucial role in understanding Chinese classconditions at that time and justifying the necessity of launching a land revolution. After landreform was launched in the Peoples Republic of China, land no longer exerted a significantimpact on rural clas
11、s stratification and hence scholars discussed the rural class structure mainlybased on occupational stratification (Lu Xueyi, 2002). After the agricultural tax was abolished,farming generated a handsome income for peasants and the impact of land transfer on rural socialstratification and peasant str
12、atification became increasingly pronounced. In September 2008, we2conducted a survey of 10 villages in two township jurisdictions of Jingshan county, Hubeiprovince. Based on the qualitative interview and quantitative statistics, this article attempts todiscuss the impact of land transfer on the stra
13、tification of the peasantry.I. The complex reality of land transferAfter introducing the household contract responsibility system, the ruling Communist Party andgovernment have enacted a series of policies aimed at permitting and encouraging the transfer ofland use rights within the term of contract
14、 while stabilizing rural land contract relations. Thecentral government has always intended to realize the transfer of land tenure rights according tolaw and on a voluntary and compensatory basis and to effectively protect the rights and interestsof peasants. The reality is, however, very complicate
15、d. The motivation, purpose and method ofrural land transfer vary from time to time. The actual conditions also vary across rural China. InJingshan county, land transfer has gone through three different stages:The first stage began in the 1980s. During this period, peasants transferred land before se
16、ekingjobs or doing business in cities. The transition to a market economy started early in Jingshan andas a result, land transfer took place earlier here than elsewhere in rural areas of central and westernChina.The second stage started in the late 1980s. At this stage, peasant burden became increas
17、inglycumbersome. Many peasants were unable to bear the burden of the new levies and as a result, theyhad no alternative but to transfer or abandon their farmland and search for jobs in urban areas. Theabandoned land was transferred under the stewardship of village collectives or committees. Thiswas
18、a prevalent phenomenon during the period from the 1990s until 2004, the year in which theagricultural tax was repealed.The third stage began in 2004. After abolishing the agricultural tax in 2004, the state no longerlevied fees on peasants and instead offered them various subsidies. Farming graduall
19、y becamelucrative and the once-abandoned land suddenly became sought-after. In addition, there weredramatic changes in the mode and state of land transfer. On one hand, peasants were less willingto transfer land, and the proportion of land transferred was in decline. On the other hand, somepeasant h
20、ouseholds had to transfer their land because its size was too small to be profitable.In the face of different situations, peasants transferred their land in one of the three modes:1. Active long-term land transferActive long-term land transfer is when peasants choose to abandon contracted land in th
21、eir homevillages after settling down in urban areas, or actively seek to transfer the contracted land becausethey expect to settle down in urban areas. This form of land transfer existed from the 1980sonward and after the agricultural tax was repealed. Among the 60 villagers who transferred a largea
22、rea of land in Caozhengong village, Jingshan county, 13 farmers transferred their land under thismethod. Six of the 13 farmers went to cities without their spouses or became non-farmers (privateschool teachers or temporary workers turned into full-time workers). The six villagers transferredtheir la
23、nd in a foolproof way, and they now are living a decent life. The other seven villagersabandoned their land due to an optimistic judgment in their ability to work and live in urban areas.Six of those seven villagers are making a living in urban areas, and one of them returned to thecountryside and b
24、ought a house and a plot of land in a village in an adjacent township. Among thesix villagers settling down in urban areas, four villagers live an affluent life and two villagers areneither rich nor poor. Of the latter two villagers, one has bought a house with a tile roof in a town3and makes a livi
25、ng by selling bean curd; the other makes a living by working in a barber shop.When a peasant household actively transfers its land for a long period of time, the transferee isnaturally entitled to acquire the land for the mutually agreed-upon period of time.2. Passive long-term land transferPeasant
26、burden became increasingly heavy from the late 1980s to 2003, when the reform of thetax and fee system was launched. Because grain prices were in decline and peasants lost moneytilling the land, many of them transferred their land without little consideration. Sometimes thetransferor even had to off
27、er a subsidy of up to 300 yuan/mu to the transferee. Since taxes and feeswere levied on land, abandoning land meant leaving taxes and fees up in the air, sograssroots-level governments forbade peasants from abandoning their land and forced them to paytaxes and fees even if their land was untilled. T
28、his is what Li Changping (2002) called “farmershave to till their land against (their) will when they actually wish to abandon it.” In this situation,some peasant households transferred their houses and land together to non-native immigrants frommountainous areas; some peasant households tried every
29、 means to move their registeredpermanent residence elsewhere and even ended up becoming unregistered residents. Still morepeasant households preferred to just leave their land behind and go work and do businesselsewhere. Consequently, a vast expanse of land was abandoned in rural areas. Some village
30、rsasked their neighbors to care for the land, but the land changed hands soon after or was abandonedanyway. When villagers abandoned their land and went to work elsewhere, the township andvillage governments could not expect to collect taxes and fees, and as a result had to transfer theabandoned lan
31、d by every means.The modes of land transfer conceived at township and village levels include “one land plot perhousehold” contract, low-price contract and change of land use. “One land plot per household”contract means that in order to resolve land cultivation and irrigation issues, the village coll
32、ectiveor committee reallocated land and concentrated the land contracted to each peasant household inone single plot of land to facilitate construction of small water conservancy facilities (He Xuefenget al, 2003), thus making it more attractive for peasants to take over the contracted land. Low pri
33、cecontract occurred when the village collective or committee transferred the abandoned land at aprice lower than the regular tax and fee burden. In this situation, village cadres often hold anattitude of “collecting a penny of tax and fee is better than collecting nothing.” Change of land usemeans c
34、hanging the farmland use to attract villagers to contract it. For instance, hillside land canbe contracted to grow hybrid poplars; low-lying wetland can be used to dig a pond and raise fish.Under the orchestration of village collectives and with every endeavor of village cadres, thepeasants who aban
35、doned their land are able to transfer the land to those who are willing to acquireit.When the first-round land contract expired in 1997, the central government required each provinceto conduct a second round of land contracting. Peasants were not enthusiastic about thesecond-round contract because t
36、he farm tax and fee burden was too heavy and consequently, thecadres of many local areas, including those of Jingshan county, had no alternative but to make thesecond-round contract a mere formality. After the agricultural tax was repealed in 2004, farmingbecame lucrative and many villagers returned
37、 home and asked for land, thereby unleashing aseries of disagreements with the villagers who stayed in the farmland. The peasants who returnedhome were lawfully entitled to the farmland contracting rights, whereas the peasant householdswho stayed in the farmland had entered into contracts with villa
38、ge committees. The two parties4struggled in disagreement against each other, and the township and village cadres could not thinkof an effective way to overcome the impasse. In this situation, Hubei province issued Opinions onImproving the Second Round of Rural Land Contracting in November 2004 to “r
39、econfirm landrights” in rural areas. This policy document made it possible to solve land disputes throughcompromise by adopting flexible measures under the condition of preserving the current status ofland tenure without breaking the law.In practice, Jingshan county government handled land disputes
40、by confirming land rights based onthe existing land tenure institutions but requiring large farm households to give up a small piece ofland (2 mu) to peasant households who had abandoned their land before the agricultural tax wasabolished. Disputes were very acute at that time, and township cadres s
41、tayed in villages to handlethe land issues. Even so, there were still 29 groups of Cao township villagers lodging petitions in2005. Today some villagers who have received confirmation of land rights from the governmentare still unable to get their land. In consequence, the villagers who did not prom
42、ptly return homeand ask for land in 2005 are forced to relinquish all of their land for a long period of time; thosewho promptly returned home and asked for land are also forced to relinquish a large proportion ofland for a long period of time (2 mu of land per person or 10 mu per household in Jings
43、hancounty). Among the 60 households in Gongcun village that transferred their land, 47 householdsfall under this category. Now 24 of the 47 households have become “landless peasants” innon-suburban areas and three have become permanently “landless peasants” because they soldtheir house and land toge
44、ther to non-native immigrants, thus losing eligibility for confirmation ofland rights. The other 23 households have received 2 mu of subsistence land. By contrast, thepeasants who acquired land through land transfer are unexpectedly entitled to long-term landcontracting rights due to policy and circ
45、umstance change.3. Short-term land transferThis is a prevalent land transfer method adopted by peasant households due to their expectation onlong-term land possession and a sense of insecurity for other methods of making a living. In therural areas of Jingshan, short-term land transfer is currently
46、adopted by most peasant householdsthat acquired 2 mu of subsistence land through the confirmation of land rights in 2005. InProduction Team 1 of Gongcun village, there are 18 peasant households with contracted land atthe present time: Only 10 households till the land at home, while the other eight h
47、ouseholds haveonly 2 mu of farmland each. These families transferred their land for a short period of time andmoved elsewhere to find employment. In Production Team 3 of the village, there are 25 peasanthouseholds, of which 12 households moved their families elsewhere. Now five of the 12households h
48、ave transferred their subsistence land under the short-term scheme, but the otherseven households are without any subsistence land. Most of the peasant households that movedelsewhere had left their home villages before the agricultural tax was repealed and transferred landin a passive way. Now a large proportion of them have stronger demand for land and choose not totransfer it for a long period of time because they are likely to return home to the land in the future.By contrast, the peasants